![]() Maxtor Black. Armor : With Case. You should keep a backup of all the records you store on your PC, but leaving the files on a run- of- the- mill unencrypted hard drive can expose personal information like credit card and social security numbers to thieves that may walk off with the drive. Maxtor's Black. Armor ($1. GB) external hard drive makes that data as secure as it can be without employing . Faux brushed- metal accents make the drive stand out when placed next to drives like the Simple. Tech Signature Mini Black Cherry. Yet it's what's inside that matters. Maxtor's Black. Armor line consists of secure hard drives with 1. AES encryption. The drives are encrypted from the factory, so you are protected right away. You will, however, have to set up the drive for use on Windows PCs. That password can be a simple one with six characters, but for maximum security you can choose a 3. A handy indicator in the setup screen tells you if your password is weak (for example, . ![]() Once the password is entered, the Unlock screen comes up. After you enter the password again, the drive mounts for real, and then it acts like any other hard drive. You can copy files to it via drag- and- drop or with the included Maxtor backup program. That program is a simple one, designed to back up selected files from folders of your choice, like the My Documents folder. Since the data is encrypted as it is written to the drive, the security works immediately and continuously. Download maxtor manager: Maxtor manager with the pre boot place of an excellent Black Armor Drive and backup software. Maxtor BlackArmor 160GB Review We've never seen a drive as secure as this. Seagate Maxtor BlackArmor: Armor for Your Mobile Data Categories: Tags: encryption, usb At CES this past January Seagate announced the Maxtor alackArmor encrypted portable drive. If anyone were to come by and grab the Black. Armor drive from your PC, they would need to enter the password to access the secure drive. Likewise, if you lose your password, you won't be able to access your files, either. Your data will be protected even if the drive is physically removed from its shell and put in another notebook PC. The Black. Armor's 1. AES encryption isn't the highest level of security available to the consumer market (that would be 2. U. S. It would take a bunch of networked computers years if not decades to crack a 1. ![]()
![]() AES key. People such as accountants or store owners who deal with personal data should think about using encrypted hard drives to back up or store their data. The drive is an adequate performer. On our PCMark. 05 HDD test it achieved a score of 2,7. USB 2. 0 drive. The Editors' Choice Lenovo Think. Pad USB Portable Secure Hard Drive is a bit faster at 3,1. Copying via drag- and- drop was quick: It took 5. GB test folder. You can create the original password when you first set the drive up, on any Windows PC, but if you ever need to change it, you'll have to do so on a PC with the Manager software installed on it. The flip side to this is that after a password is set, you don't need to install the software on every PC you connect the Black. ![]() The Maxtor BlackArmor is an encrypted, secure external hard drive that protects your data from prying eyes. It is easier to use than products that require security software to be preinstalled on your PC, but it. Maxtor BlackArmor - Installing Maxtor Manager from the Pre-Boot Area. MacOS energy-saver setting. Maxtor BlackArmor - How to Clear Cached Data from Google Desktop. Will my Seagate drive work with Windows 10? Seagate Manager User Guide for Use With Your FreeAgent. All Seagate and Maxtor external drives are detected. Settings The Settings button, located at the bottom of t he My Drives window. Rating is available when the video has been rented. Maxtor BlackArmor - Installing Maxtor Manager from the Pre-Boot Area. Armor to. The Password Unlock utility works off the drive's auto- loading pseudo- CD partition. Once unlocked, the drive works like a typical drive for reads, writes, and copies. Another nit is that the drive doesn't work with Macs or Linux PCs—the auto- loading program is Windows only. Last but not least, the included backup software is geared toward auto- saving your files, not your whole PC—OS, apps, and all. Look to drives like the Maxtor One. Touch 4 Mini for that capability. The Maxtor Black. Armor is a smidge more expensive than more standard (unencrypted) hard drives like its sibling, the Maxtor One. Touch 4 mini ($9. GB), but you are getting extra protection from prying eyes with the Black. Armor. The 3. 20. GB version of the Black. Armor lists at $1. Lenovo Secure Drive of the same capacity. However, the Lenovo drive is much more versatile, easier to use, usable on other platforms like Macs, and it's faster as well. Ultimately, the Lenovo edges out the Black. Armor, but only just. The Black. Armor is well worth consideration, particularly if you use—or require your users to use—strong passwords to protect your data. More Hard Drive Reviews.
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Structural Adjustment—a Major Cause of Poverty — Global Issues. Since the end of the Cold War, even wealthier nations have seen government rollback on some functions, in a similar style to structural adjustment. John Mc. Murtry captures this well, being very critical on the impact of such adjustments on “life requirements”: And as the crisis of AIDS gets worse in Africa, measures that reduce health budgets in already poor countries contribute to the problems. Tighten up the money supply to increase internal interest rates to whatever heights needed to stabilize the value of the local currency. Fiscal austerity. Increase tax collections and reduce government spending dramatically. Privatization. Sell off public enterprises to the private sector. Financial Liberalization. Remove restrictions on the inflow and outflow of international capital as well as restrictions on what foreign businesses and banks are allowed to buy, own, and operate. Only when governments sign this “structural adjustment agreement” does the IMF agree to: Lend enough itself to prevent default on international loans that are about to come due and otherwise would be unpayable. Arrange a restructuring of the country’s debt among private international lenders that includes a pledge of new loans.— Robin Hanhel, Panic Rules!, (South End Press, 1. Joseph Stiglitz is one of the most cited economists in the world, the former winner of the Nobel prize for economics and a professor at Columbia University. He was also former chief economist at the World Bank, who “resigned” under pressure from criticisms he made of the IMF and World Bank. He was also a member of then- US President Bill Clinton’s cabinet and chairman of the US President’s Council of Economic Advisers. His insights and criticisms are worth paying attention to. He notes that: The IMF likes to go about its business without outsiders asking too many questions. In theory, the fund supports democratic institutions in the nations it assists. In practice, it undermines the democratic process by imposing policies. Officially, of course, the IMF doesn’t “impose” anything. It “negotiates” the conditions for receiving aid. But all the power in the negotiations is on one side—the IMF’s—and the fund rarely allows sufficient time for broad consensus- building or even widespread consultations with either parliaments or civil society. Meta Programs are mental processes which manage, guide and direct other mental processes. In other words, they are processes about or at a higher level than (meta to) the mental processes they affect. You could compare them to. Considerable climatic variation between its northern and southern portions. In New Mexico, Arizona, and southeastern California, the greatest precipitation occurs in July, August, and September, mean annual rainfall ranging. ![]() Programs Similar To Words Their Way ListsSometimes the IMF dispenses with the pretense of openness altogether and negotiates secret covenants.— Joseph Stiglitz, What I learned at the world economic crisis. The Insider, The New Republic, April 1. In April 2. 00. 1, Greg Palast conducted an interview with Joseph Stiglitz which was published in the British newspaper Observer and Guardian. The World Bank talks of “assistance strategies” for every poor nation using careful country by country investigations. However, as reported in the article, “according to insider Stiglitz, the Bank’s . It concludes with a meeting with a begging finance minister, who is handed a . Stiglitz tells Palast that some politicians were corrupt enough to go ahead with some state sell- offs: “Rather than object to the sell- offs of state industries, he said national leaders—using the World Bank’s demands to silence local critics—happily flogged their electricity and water companies. We don’t care if it’s a corrupt election.’” (Emphasis added)Capital market liberalization. According to Palast, Stiglitz describes the disastrous capital flows that can ruin economies as being “predictable,” and says that “when . Palast writes that it is at this point that the IMF “drags the gasping nation” to this third points, described as “a fancy term for raising prices on food, water and cooking gas” which, Palast continues, “leads, predictably, to Step- Three- and- a- Half: what Stiglitz calls, . But a version dominated by “rules of the World Trade Organization and the World Bank,” which according to Palast, Stiglitz likens to the Opium Wars: “That too was about . Palast writes that “As in the nineteenth century, Europeans and Americans today are kicking down barriers to sales in Asia, Latin American and Africa while barricading our own markets against the Third World’s agriculture.” (Note that while even President Bush will claim that we want rules based global mechanisms, the mainstream media often does not ask what the rules themselves are, and whether they are most appropriate.). Palast highlights Stiglitz’s problems with the IMF/World Bank plans, plans that the article describes as “devised in secrecy and driven by an absolutist ideology”: first, they are not open to discourse and dissent, and second, that they don’t work. Palast writes that “Under the guiding hand of IMF structural . In the Darwinian world of international markets, the strongest would win out. This would encourage others to follow their example. The development of a market economy with a greater role for the private sector was therefore seen as the key to stimulating economic growth.”Focusing on Africa, the article points out that the issue wasn’t that African countries did not need corrective reforms, but whether SAPs were the appropriate answers. The adjustments dictated by the World Bank and IMF did neither.”In these ways then, the IMF and World Bank’s encouragement of poor countries to open up for foreign trade is too aggressive; arguing that these policies will help create a “level playing field” with rich countries is almost opposite to what has happened in reality in most cases. Perhaps one of the most serious effects is that these external policies indirectly undermine democracy and democratic accountability, not only of the IMF and World Bank (after all, if their policies fail, who are they accountable to?) but also of the governments of the poor countries themselves, who see a reduction in their ability to make important decisions for their people. ![]() Beyond the urgent economic response, however, the Obama approach to federalism has been situational, bold and directional in some areas of domestic policy, permissive and supportive in others. The Race to the Top effort in. ![]() In some cases, the more corrupt governments can use structural adjustment as an excuse not to cater to all their people. Oxfam International estimates that, in the Philippines alone, IMF- imposed cuts in preventative medicine will result in 2. Tribunals investigating “crimes against humanity” take note!— Jeremy Brecher, Panic Rules: Everything you want to know about the Global Economy, by Robin Hahnel (South End Press, 1. Because some of the poor nations are not as aggressive in privatization and other conditionalities as the IMF or World Bank would like, they face continual delays of debt relief. This model of development, whereby the North (or the developed Nations) impose their conditions on the South (the developing Nations) has come under criticism by many NGOs and other groups/individuals. Perhaps the model needs to be revised and approached from different angles, as this Oxfam paper suggests. True, in some cases corrupt governments have borrowed money from these institutions and/or directly from various donor nations and ended up using that money to pursue conflicts, for arms deals, or to divert resources away from their people. However, in most cases that has been done knowingly, with the support of various rich nations due to their own “national interests”, especially during the Cold War. As Oxfam says, “it would be wrong to hold civilians to ransom by placing stringent conditions on humanitarian relief because of the way their government spends its money.”Furthermore, it has been argued that Structural Adjustments encourage corruption and undermine democracy. As Ann Pettifor and Jospeh Hanlon note, top- down “conditionality has undermined democracy by making elected governments accountable to Washington- based institutions instead of to their own people.” The potential for unaccountability and corruption therefore increases as well. As the article from Africa Action above also mentions, “African countries require essential investments in health, education and infrastructure before they can compete internationally. The World Bank and IMF instead required countries to reduce state support and protection for social and economic sectors. They insisted on pushing weak African economies into markets where they were unable to compete with the might of the international private sector. These policies further undermined the economic development of African countries.”This inevitably means that the poor suffer, while the rich get richer. Also note that the illegal drug trade has increased in countries that are in debt (because of the hard cash that is earned), as Jubilee 2. Growing such illegal crops also diverts land away from meeting local and immediate needs, which also leads to more hunger. Debt’s chain reactions and related effects are enormous. Some even describe this as leading to economic apartheid. The U. S. Although this is a different context, the overall aspect remains the same): A fertilizer bomb that kills hundreds in Oklahoma. Fuel- laden civil jets that kill 4. New York. A sanctions policy that kills one and a half million in Iraq. A trade policy that immiserates continents. You can make a bomb out of anything. The ones on paper hurt the most.— Raj Patel, They also make bombs out of paper, ZNet, November 2. Indeed, consider the following: According to UNICEF, over 5. Africa and Latin America in the late 1. International Monetary Fund’s structural adjustment programs. These programs required the abolition of price supports on essential food- stuffs, steep reductions in spending on health, education, and other social services, and increases in taxes. The debt crisis has never been resolved for much of sub- Saharan Africa. Extrapolating from the UNICEF data, as many as 5,0. Ross P. Buckley, The Rich Borrow and the Poor Repay: The Fatal Flaw in International Finance, World Policy Journal, Volume XIX, No 4, Winter 2. Io. T - Information. Week. Archived Information. Week Radio. Join us for a roundup of the top stories on Information. 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While this likely reflects both limited income growth and historically low real interest rates, the long- term implications are concerning. The response of Canadian governments — overall trends in social spending. Government spending and policy priorities have a measurable effect on social and economic outcomes. For example, studies consistently show that countries with heavier investment in social spending through taxes and transfers have lower poverty rates. Canada’s tax and transfer system plays a substantial role, but a role that is smaller than most wealthy countries, in offsetting trends in market income inequality. We rank 2. 5th of out 3. OECD peers on this measure. According to one estimate, “if Canada’s redistributive efforts were to be raised to the OECD average, nearly two- thirds of the increase in after- tax inequality that has taken place in Canada since 1. The redistributive impact of Canada’s tax and transfer policies has fluctuated over time. Social spending as a percentage of GDP spiked in the early 1. Unemployment Insurance and social assistance costs. By the late 1. 99. Employment Insurance and other federal cuts to social spending in response to rising deficits. For example, in 2. Newfoundland and Labrador’s taxes and transfers had the greatest inequality- offsetting effect, while British Columbia and Alberta’s policies had the least. Program areas — Coverage and Gaps 3. Income Security and the Labour Market. Canada uses both progressive income taxes, and universal, income- tested and needs- tested benefits to redistribute income. Low- income Canadians are generally required to pay less in tax and have access to additional benefits, with taxes rising and eligibility for benefits generally declining as incomes increase. Canadians who lose their jobs can qualify for income replacement through the Employment Insurance if they have worked a requisite number of insurable hours. However, economic downturns, budgetary constraints and the decline in standard employment have seen EI eligibility fall to its lowest rate since 1. EI benefits currently sits at 3. Source: Mowat Centre based on Statscan data. As an example, in Hamilton, eligibility has fallen from 4. Toronto, fewer than 5. EI. While its design has changed since it was first introduced, Canada’s EI system is still not adequately aligned with Canada’s new labour market realties, such as the rise in precarious employment. The program’s narrow eligibility criteria also restrict people who may need the most help from accessing a number of important skills and training services. Because too many workers do not qualify for benefits, despite having paid into the system, EI has ceased to function as an effective social insurance scheme. Many people who are not eligible for EI, and unable to find employment, will end up on social assistance – which is supposed to be a program of last resort – because EI is still closely linked to the idea that most workers are in standard, full- time employment. In spite of an increasing fraction of EI funds being spent on so- called special benefits like maternity, parental, and sickness benefits, the program does a poor job of insuring against the growing and diverse set of demographic risks that Canadian families face, offering only partial assistance and assistance that is at times paternalistic and limits the flexibility that families increasing need. In order to qualify for social assistance, families must already be living in poverty. In other words, it is not a program that prevents poverty, the way income replacement programs like EI can. This negative cycle can harm the long- term employability of people of working- age and is associated with a host of negative and costly impacts for children raised in poverty. The negative social outcomes associated with poverty, such as poor health and higher unemployment rates, invariably result in higher costs for other social programs. Social assistance recipients face barriers to the labour market in the form of clawbacks and higher tax rates on earned income. Together, these factors create a “welfare wall” that can make it difficult for an individual to compensate for benefits lost when they obtain a job. In Ontario, social assistanceis clawed back at 5. However, the net effect of the loss of other supports (such as housing assistance or childcare benefits) can make the overall effect, or marginal effective tax rate, well over 6. However, some improvements and promising trends have emerged in recent years. There has been an increase in benefits for low income households and families with children, and innovative programs such as the Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB) have the potential to help move people out of poverty and into the labour market. Some elements of system design have also improved. For example, the emphasis on refundable tax credits — such as the Canada Child Tax Benefit, which provides a monthly, non- taxable benefit to families with children, depending on income – rather than non- refundable credits, which have no value to low- income households that may not have tax owing – has been an important area of progress. However, the lack of labour market supports for access to affordable childcare, employment- related expenses, education and training, as well as support for people with disabilities, continue to make it difficult for people to escape poverty and enter the labour market. The growth of precarious employment — and the “working poor” — has meant that employment no longer guarantees an exit from poverty. Relying on the EI system to provide special benefits and parental benefits has improved coverage for those who qualify, but it has also put more pressure on the program in terms of fulfilling its original policy goals. The public policy framework includes other aspects that also contribute to income and employment security. These include laws and regulations governing employment standards (for both unionized and non- unionized workplaces), rules governing entry to practice of different regulated professions like medicine and engineering, and workplace safety insurance coverage. The regulatory framework is far less visible than direct interventions like EI, child benefits, social assistance or pensions; but it can have a significant impact on social outcomes and access to opportunity. Retirement Income Security. Canada’s retirement security system includes a public pension plan (CPP/QPP), income- tested public income benefits (Old Age Security and Guaranteed Income Supplement), employer- based registered pension plans, and private, market- based savings mechanisms, such as Registered Retirement Savings Plans and Tax Free Savings Accounts (sometimes also supported by employers). Canada has successfully reduced seniors’ poverty but an aging population, longer life expectancy, a decline in employer- based pensions, high levels of consumer debt and inadequate household savings are making a secure retirement more difficult for many Canadians. The CPP, while sustainably financed, only provides retirement income equal to about 2. And just one in three Canadians has a Registered Retirement Savings Plan, leaving 9. RRSP contribution room unused. The need for home care services has increased as people live longer into old age, but low income has left many seniors unable to pay for them. Provincial governments have expanded home care services, for both seniors and people living with disabilities, but funding varies by province and is generally inadequate to meet demands. Elderly Canadians may have to rely on relatives to provide care in the face of the lack of formal supports. For the growing number of unpaid, “informal” caregivers – 2. Canadians ages 1. As they live longer, people are also at greater risk of outliving their personal savings. |
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